Sunday, March 04, 2012

Is Turkey's Eurovision Entry A Serenade for Israel?

In Eurovision 2012, Turkey will be represented by Can Bonomo, a talented young artist that I really like.

I was so surprised to hear that TRT has chosen him, though.

No, I didn't think like that because Bonomo is a Turkish-Jew and TRT officials are bigots.

I was surprised because Bonomo was not known by masses in Turkey and his sound was not exactly pop.

So, there should be something else. And I guess that -with many other people- I found out the reason.

TRT has recently developed a habit to use Eurovision as a political tool, aligned with the Turkish foreign policy.

Three years ago, the lyrics of the Turkish entry were perceived as a positive message to the European Union: "We Could be the Same."

This time, it seems that Bonomo is specially chosen as a peace envoy to Israel.

Firstly, check out what happened in the Mediterranean just after a Eurovision Song Contest two years ago.

Then, listen to the sailor-themed song with an apparent title, "Love Me Back", and read the lyrics, like, "never ever sink my ship and sail away!" (I loved the song, by the way)


Oh hey hey, baby love me back today
Never ever sink my ship and sail away
Oh, uh oh, baby don't shut me down
Give me all the love i need and i'll be gone
I'm a lonely sailor drinking the night away
My ship is made from hope,
She's searching for your bay
But you don't care
Hop up to my ship baby i'll make you fly
You love me and you know that baby don't you lie
Like me like i like you and say naninaninaninanina
Oh, uh oh, we need a bit of rock and roll
Baby don't you crush my soul and make me fall
Oh hey hey, baby love me back today
Don't you ever sink my ship and sail away
Hop up to my ship baby i'll make you fly
You love me and you know that baby don't you lie
Like me like i like you and say naninaninaninanina
Pirates, high seas, cautions, cannons, and poitons
A sailor's passions can always conquer the oceans
Sing with me my children!
Hop up to my ship baby i'll make you fly
You love me and you know that baby don't you lie
Like me like i like you and say naninaninaninanina
Haydee!

Thursday, March 01, 2012

The Syrian Diaries

I've been quite for a while, because I was in Syria, before and after the constitutional referendum, which ridiculed by the United States and applauded by Russia and China. A Turkish authority, on the other hand, admits me off-the-record that this referendum is "too little, too late" for now, but it could indeed save the Assad regime if it could be put into vote last spring. What I see in Damascus and around can hardly be described as signs of an imminent regime change, though. Of course, it was probably what people were thinking on the eve of the fall of the Berlin Wall, as well.

Because of the extraordinary conditions, there are only two ways of entering Syria and they both mean that you will become embedded. If you illegally cross the border, you become embedded to the armed opposition. If you enter and tour the country legally, you become embedded to the Syrian administration.

Although I respect the courage of my colleagues who chose the prior method, I believe that the latter option is more appropriate in a journalistic sense. When you become a part of the armed opposition, you get pinned down to a certain district of a rebellious town, seeing only one side of the conflict and forced to feel symphaty for those who protect you from tanks and artillery. But if you are allowed to be in the whole country, you can do whatever you want, trying to watch and listen as much as you can. When the authorities obstruct you, you can still force them to let you work freely, if they don't want to face a PR disaster.

Of course, after all, a low-grade civil war is taking place in Syria and it's always better to be there to get first hand information, either from a few hands or more, instead of being a subject of the propaganda war with big lies from both sides.

That's why I opt to apply for a visa to cover the referendum, just like the Washington Post did last week. As far as I see, the Post was rejected by the Syrian authorities, while a group of Turkish journalists, including me, was granted it (I applied for it on August, by the way). Interestingly, our group of eleven included a journalist from an Islamist newspaper who advocates that Turkey should militarily intervene in Syria, as well as mainstream newspapers like mine and the three leading news channels in Turkey that all tried to remain unbiased.

We arrived in Damascus last Saturday and I returned to Turkey yesterday. My stories (in Turkish) can be found here and here and here and here. In English, a colleague from CNN-Türk summarized our first observations and our interview with Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Al-Moallem. I also noticed that a Twitter user that I don't know translated my first story into French.

Almost nothing, except the calmness of the Syrian people, was unexpected for me. Syrian authorities told that we should stay in the safe districts of Damascus. By insisting strongly, we managed them to take us to riskier places like Douma and Harasta (a trip to Homs got cancelled in the last minute because of increased violence and we couldn't reach Zabadani because the intercity road was reportedly mined by the opposition).

When we try to interview some people in a suburb of Douma, Syrian soldiers interrupted us frequently. But no control can be ultimate and we take advantage of it, listening to harshly criticial views, too. In downtown Damascus, we were completely free, although we could feel that the secret police was almost everywhere.

For us, eleven journalists from Turkey, being a Turk was one of the biggest obstacles, as many people refused to speak to us because of our ethnicity. Whether pro-regime or  pro-opposition, almost all Syrians are angry at the Turkish government and showed their reactions to us.

I chose from my album the following photos to summarize the trip:
On Saturday, I interviewed more than thirty people in downtown Damascus. Adil, a Turkmen who sells lottery tickets near Bab Tuma, said that he lost his job as a Turkish-speaking tourist guide after the crisis between Turkey and Syria. Although he's got no links to the regime, he reiterated that the conflict was imposed by external forces. "Until recently, we didn't know who's a Kurd, who's an Alewite," he said, "When I was visiting my brother's grave last Ramadan, some Libyans with bags full of weapons came to the graveyard and threatened us to rise against the government or be killed."
On Sunday, it was the referendum day. We were taken by the government officials to an election office. That place seemed completely staged. An official even presented a ballot as a gift to one of my friends. The ballot was not unused, it was a "yes" vote!


So, I left all the officials behind and hanged around the city, trying to find a "normal" ballot box. I finally found one around 4pm in a school. There were 360 votes inside the box, but nobody voted for more than half an hour that I stayed there. When I tried to take a photo with the officials in the room, all but one left the room, saying that they were police officers! Moreover, there were other problems with the referendum, like the fact that serving soldiers were also voting and Sunday was not declared an official holiday to let working people comfortably vote.

On Monday, we met Al-Moallim. The most important thing that he told was about the reason of souring relations between Turkey and Syria. He said that Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan was raising the issue of the Muslim Brotherhood every time he met President Bashar Assad, arguing that they should be a part of the democratic transformation. Assad allowed them to return to Syria as individuals, but didn't give permission to establish a party. "Erdoğan got unhappy," Al-Moallim said.


On Tuesday, we went to Douma, firstly. In a restive neighborhood called Sifhoniyya, the government officials showed a room what they called a recently revealed weapons depot of the armed opposition. I saw a U.S. made assault rifle there. Later on, I would be asked by the Syrian state television about the Turkish made weapons of the opposition. "We also saw lots of AK-47s in Sifhoniyya. Do you also blame Russia because of it?" I would counter with another question.

I wanted to check the allegations of the Syrian army about the weapons depot. I knocked the neighboring doors. The people were in fear, but I managed to start talking to a woman, living just a street  away the so-called "terrorist arsenal." It seemed to me that she was about to say something important, but an army official came, rebuked her and shut close the door.

Our next stop was Harasta. I stood on the ruins of the tomb of a Sunni saint. The opposition claims that it was attacked by the army three months ago, while Syrian authorities insist that it was "bombed by terrorists, in order to undermine Harastan people's loyalty to the state." An official admitted to me that she was forced to flee this neighborhood just a few days ago, because there were opposition snipers on the balconies. Now there were Syrian soldiers (I didn't see any sniper when we were there), resting there comfortably. 

Of course, it was looking like a temporary comfort. "Come here at night and see the reality," a resident told me. "The armed ones," as residents call them, take the streets after it is dark. "Some soldiers keep cursing at us. We want to return to a normal life," a shopkeeper bravely told me. Another resident alleged that armed groups forced them to close their shops earlier. Shopkeepers who refuse to do it keep getting shot by the same armed groups, who were allegedly paid as little as 30 dollars by Syrian exiles.

To summarize, I can easily say that the Syrian problem is more complicated than the black-and-white picture that is being painted by the "unilateral" media like CNN or Al Jazeera. It seemed to me that Bashar Assad was hugely popular before the unrest. Now, his image is stained even among his strongest supporters. However, many Syrians -and probably most of them- don't want him to be ousted by any kind of "intervention", although they criticize his recent decisions. Whether it is true or not, many Syrians believe that the conflict is driven by external forces. The minorities are especially worried because of the interference of Sunni radicals, including Salafis, Wahabis and Al Qaida. 

As a human being, I wish that this referendum could take place last April in a more democratic and transparent fashion, paving the way for a genuine transition in Syria. Not only I mourn for the children who were killed by the army or the armed opposition whether intentionally or by accident, I'm also extremely worried for those who are orphaned by such actions. Who will they become? In what kind of a Syria and a world will they live? I care only about them and the good Syrians from both sides who refuse and condemn violence. Down with this disgusting fight for power.

Wednesday, February 22, 2012

Replacing Germany's Pro-Turkish President with an Anti-Turkish One

Something is rotten in the state of Germany, too.

No, in contrary to what I've been doing since a short while ago, I will defend Germany's Prime Minister Angela Merkel this time.

What is rotten is right in front of her, but it seems that it is out of her control. Firstly, her hand-picked choice for the ceremonial post of president, Christian Wulff, resigned. Then, Joachim Gauck was chosen as the new president, although Merkel fought against it for a while.

The stinking smell is coming from that direction: Revelations about Wulff were serious, but not enough for Merkel to stop supporting him. Wulff was forced to resign only after a prosecutor applied to revoke his presidential immunity. Like many people, I believe that a certain clique in the conservative circles of the German state and the German media pulled the trigger, even though they were aware of most of the "scandals" long before they publicized them.

But why did they suddenly pull the trigger?

Looking at Wullf's replacement may help us answer this question.

In my humble opinion, Wulff irritated almost all German conservatives out of the Merkel circle when he declared that "Islam is now a part of Germany". For anyone on the German right-wing, which still struggles to accept that the "guest worker" Turks wouldn't return to Turkey, these words by Wulff, as well his efforts to integrate the Muslim community, were utterly deplorable. Consequently, using the personal mistakes of Wulff, they managed to force him out of office without revealing the real reason of their discomfort.

The German right, who seems out of Merkel's control nowadays, has also managed to knock her off in the second round of the presidential game. By blackmailing to collapse the government, they succeeded in replacing Wulff with Gauck. When it comes to integration policies, Gauck is almost the  exact opposite of Wulff.

After all, Gauck once praised the infamous closet-racist Thilo Sarrazin as "courageous" for his anti-immigrant stance. Moreover, he has been silent about accommodating Islam in Germany’s heritage, telling one interviewer that integration was not about Muslim or foreign identity, but only about helping the have-nots. These words are strikingly similar to the ones by many right-wing Turks utter, regarding Turkey's Kurds.

The presidency is a ceremonial post, but Gauck's performance will be symbolically important for the integration process.

Yes, Wulff may be both be a cheapstake and a man of leisure, but like Merkel had emphasized, he was performing his state duties perfectly and established a precious bond with minorities. Gauck, on the other hand, will surely be an ethical puritan, as a pastor. However, we know that Adolf Hitler was also a puritan.

And no, I'm not falling into the trap of reductio ad Hitlerum here. I believe that my warning is especially relevant in today's Germany, where it was recently revealed that the German police might be behind deleted evidence over the neo-Nazi murders of eight Turks and neo-Nazi music bands kept singing songs about deporting Turks. We'll see if Gauck will be the president of all Germans, like Wulff, or a just leader, -in German, führer- of a certain group.

Thursday, February 16, 2012

How an American Lady with Anorexia Survived a Turkish David Bowie


Today, I reported about a book written by Martha L. Thompson. As a talented writer, she's got a touching story to tell, related to Turkey. I contacted her for an email interview and she kindly accepted.

The Turkish-language piece that I've written for my newspaper was shorter because of the limitations of the printed version. For those who may be interested, especially for those who battle anorexia, I would like to paste most of the source material in English here:

The Press Release for the Book
Martha L. Thompson spent more than three decades battling anorexia nervosa, which she documents in her memoir “The Oxygen Mask Rule: How My Battle with Anorexia Nervosa Taught Me How to Survive” (ISBN 146647727X). She says that throughout her adolescence there was little understanding about the illness and very few books written by or about people who had recovered from eating disorders. She wants to reach out to men and women of all ages going through the same thing.

Thompson was in and out of hospitals numerous times by the age of 14. Remarkably the disease did not claim her life in early adulthood and she was temporarily able to find an outlet for her emotional needs by getting involved in acting. She studied theatre at Marymount Manhattan College and the Juilliard School of Drama, both of which she attended on full scholarship for her talents.


However, the summer before her freshman year of college, she traveled to Turkey where she fell in love with a Turkish man and was set to marry him. The objection of him marrying an American girl by his parents led Thompson into a downward spiral of depression, which became another catalyst for her eating disorder.


To rebound from relapse she dedicated herself once again to her passion in theatre where she was able to hide her self-destructive eating habits from the world and function well for another 10 years. When her father is killed suddenly in a car accident, her tenuous balancing act between anorexia and theatre falls apart; she plunges down to a low weight and the trauma and stress force her to retire from her passion.


Thompson’s love for animals, which starts with her beloved dog Gus, leads her to a second career at the Los Angeles Zoo and Botanical Gardens, where she learns to nurture others, as well as herself.


In order to stay alive she explores many philosophies of recovery. In recent years she came to understand that being of service to others provided the most comfort and freedom from anorexia. This is the genesis of “The Oxygen Mask Rule.” Onboard an airplane, passengers are instructed to make sure their masks are on first before assisting other passengers. Thompsom learns to apply this rule to her own life and embraces it as the golden rule in her recovery from anorexia nervosa.


Although she says there is no proven cure for anorexia nervosa, Thompson believes that people suffering and gasping for air from their eating disorders can find comfort and hope from books by individuals who have struggled with the same affliction.


“The Oxygen Mask Rule: How My Battle with Anorexia Nervosa Taught Me How to Survive” is available for sale online at Amazon.com and other channels.


About the Author: Martha L. Thompson has successfully survived a severe case of anorexia nervosa for more than three decades. She graduated from the Juilliard School of Drama and toured throughout the United States as an actor. Thompson left the acting industry in 1998, and currently works as the coordinator of volunteers for the Greater Los Angeles Zoo Association at the Los Angeles Zoo. Thompson also writes a weekly newsletter for the association.

The Compilation of Mrs. Thompson's Answers to My Questions about her Turkish Challenge

In 1980 I had the privilege to participate as an exchange student with AFS, the American Field Service. I was truly blessed to be placed with a family in Konya, Turkey. I was 17 years old and I had already survived a life threatening battle with anorexia nervosa. Being healthy enough to participate in the program was a huge accomplishment. I wanted to live and embrace adventure, which I got in Turkey.


I knew that while I was in Konya, which was not very westernized at the time, I could pretend that I never had an eating disorder because there was very little awareness of the disease. I’m sure there are girls and women in Turkey today who suffer from eating disorders, and my hope is that my book can help them as well.


My AFS family consisted of twin sisters my age, an older brother, a beautiful mother and strict father, who was an attorney. I happily became the third twin.


My first few days in Konya taught me a lot about Turkish life. Absolutely nothing was familiar. The smells and tastes were different from anything I had ever experienced. The loaves of bread they bought twice daily from the baker looked like bread, but were so fresh and warm that they tasted like heaven. Even their Coca-Cola tasted different. It was sweeter.


Initially, my senses sought out anything that was remotely familiar, anything that would remind me of home, but I gave up after a couple days when I realized that everything in this village was very Turkish.


My love and appreciation for the Turkish culture grew daily. When I finally stopped comparing Turkey to America, I was able to accept their way of life and assimilate more easily, and I believed I was happy. When this happened, there was a distinct shift in my attitude, and I began to prefer their way of life to my American upbringing.


As I met more Turkish families, I found that they were all very generous, regardless of their socioeconomic status. One afternoon, we visited some of their relatives who were different from any I had met before. We drove to the outskirts of town where there were no more apartment buildings, and we pulled up to a little cluster of one-room shacks. Aysel, one of the twins, quietly shared with me that we were visiting these relatives in order to give them money. They were poor, and I expected to see people with running noses, sitting on the floor covered with flies.


What I found instead were two vibrant, smiling faces: a mother and a teenage daughter, who rushed excitedly to the door to greet us. They both had bright, beautiful green eyes, accentuated by their golden-brown skin.


Their smiles spread from ear to ear and were full of bright, white teeth. They wore the traditional village garb of loose, poufy, soft, cotton pants, green rubber loafers, hand-knit, worn-out sweaters, and light, cotton scarves covering their hair.

When I was able to take my eyes off their luminous faces, I looked around the room. The dirt floor, which looked like it had been recently swept, was covered with colorful rugs and kilims. Some cleaner kilims hung on the walls. A single light bulb dangled on a wire from the ceiling. We were ushered to the back of the shack and out the rear door by our gracious hosts, where I saw a large garden with apple and plum trees, grapevines, and onion, eggplant, pepper, potato, and cucumber plants, all very green and alive.

Although these people didn’t have money, they had an abundance of food, most of which they grew themselves. The well-defined muscles in the arms of our hosts suggested that they were strong and worked hard. The two women beamed with pride and dignity. When Anne discreetly handed them a roll of paper money, they accepted it gratefully and in return handed us a cloth bag filled with fresh-picked fruits and vegetables.

The simplicity of their life left a deep impression on me. I longed for their contentment, the product of their uncomplicated lifestyle. I wanted to be permanently transported to a time and a place where my mind would not be polluted with Western civilization and modern thought. If I could just work in a garden, make clothing, and keep house for a family, I could be a happy, peaceful person. I suddenly felt angry that I had been born into our wretched American culture, which I thought was surely the breeding ground for all my problems, including my anorexia.

Within two months of living in Konya I met a young owner of a rug store named Mehmet. He explained that he had attended the university here in Konya for three years and planned to go to America to open a rug business. He said he wanted to be in America so he could get revenge on the people who wouldn’t let him enter as a student. I started to wonder if he was just saying these things to get a reaction out of me. I couldn’t join in on his political discussion because I was ignorant, but I listened intently.

Mehmet’s fine-featured, beautiful face mesmerized me. He had pale-olive skin, root-beer colored eyes, and brown hair that framed his face in a 1960s’ young George Harrison style. His facial features resembled David Bowie’s. He was very lean and had slender, gentle hands, like my father’s. I fell in love. However, I had to return to the US to start school.

My experience in Turkey had illuminated my world, and as a result, my enthusiasm for the future was untamable. The energy vibrating inside me felt dangerous, and I worried that my heart would explode.

As I traveled home from Turkey, I was proud of surviving a summer of cultural challenges. Even though I was glad to be back in the States, where everything was familiar, I was ashamed to be an American because our culture was so wasteful and ostentatious compared to the simple village life I had just come from in Konya, Turkey. How spoiled we were.

At nineteen years old, I had two major goals: I wanted to be the best student/actor I could be, and I wanted to be Turk. When my Turkish host family invited me to visit them in June of 1981, the summer before I began my sophomore year in college, I called the airlines immediately and booked a flight.

I returned with the hope of being with Mehmet again, but I had made a mistake. Staying with my AFS family meant I wouldn’t have the freedom to be alone with him. I would only be permitted to visit his store if I was chaperoned by the twins or brother Farhat. This pissed me off because I was no longer under the care of the exchange program. Couldn’t I do whatever I damn pleased?

I tried to explain to Baba that Mehmet and I had become “good friends” in New York and that I was safe with him, but he knew better. He made it clear to me with his stern tone, both in Turkish and in broken English, that he disapproved of my relations with Mehmet and he would detain me from any attempted visits. Mehmet offered to sit down and talk to Baba to assure him that I’d be fine, but Baba declined.

Although I was not proud of it, I made up some clever lies so I could get out of the house and be with Mehmet. One afternoon we drove through the countryside to a small hamam. For the first time in my life I was seduced, which was scary and thrilling! Within moments of the seduction he proposed marriage and I squeeled, “Yes!”

Over the next several years we found creative ways to be together romantically, which would lead to months of sneaking around in Turkey together and my travelling to London and Paris to be with him. I would do anything for love, sometimes putting myself in physical and legal jeopardy.

After two years my fantasy world of love came crashing down as Mehmet and I sat one evening in a lively restaurant in Paris. A band played some modern jazz too loudly, and the lights were too bright. All the patrons spoke at top volume to be heard over the din, making the place buzz. It frayed my nerves.

Mehmet took this opportunity to tell me that his parents would not allow him to marry a non-Turkish girl. He said it didn’t matter how well I spoke the language or how much I wanted to be a Turk.

I didn’t have Turkish blood, and that was that. He explained that he had been trying to find a solution to this problem since the previous summer. For months, he had written me a letter every week, but none of them even hinted at this potential train wreck. He wanted to tell me in person. As soon as his devastating news sank in, my stomach rose up into my throat, and I cried uncontrollably.

My world caved in. He tried to hold me in his arms, but I was hysterical and fought him off. I wanted to run into the path of a speeding Renault, but he grabbed my arm to restrain me. Like meringue, my hopes and dreams and were easily squashed.

I fell into a deep, black hole. I hated Paris; I hated romance; I hated the world; and most of all, I hated Mehmet. He tried to comfort me by saying that we could still be lovers and get together wherever we wanted, anywhere in the world, but I wanted more. I wanted to be his wife. I wanted to be a Turk.

My world of dreams provided necessary adrenaline rushes, which I depended on as anesthesia, to block out emotional pain and the diabolical self destructive voices of my eating disorder. Everything that went along with becoming a Turk created solid distractions. I would need to find a new dream.

My naive years of passion for Turkey had to be channeled into something else. I poured my heart and soul into being the best actor I could be in New York. I had a 20 year career before my anorexia crippled me into retiring from the profession.

Jumping ahead many years I can tell you that my book explains how I managed to stay alive even though anorexia has been trying to kill me all this time. I have been blessed to have found a loving husband and an amazing career as a coordinator of volunteers at the LA Zoo.

My visits to Turkey and the profound bond I established with the people transformed my understanding of the world. It opened up my heart to different ways of living and thinking. For example, observing the love and trust my Turkish family had for Allah and their fellow man taught me to have more faith and share more love.

I often wonder how my life would have turned out if I had been able to marry Mehmet and explore my love for a Turkish life. I often wonder if the love and kindness of my Turkish family could have prevented me from relapsing into the self-destruction of my eating disorder.

Take a look at property in Turkey.

Monday, February 13, 2012

The First Museum on Turkish Coffee

Better late than never.

Finally, there is a museum for Turkish coffee. Turkey's Culture and Tourism Minister Ertuğrul Günay opened it on Saturday at Istanbul’s Turkish and Islamic Arts Museum.

For me, Turkish coffee is not only a favorite drink, but also a symbol. It materializes a certain feature of the Turkish culture, which welcomes "foreign" values, eventually absorbing them and comfortably passing them to other cultures. It is the symbol of the only way to universalism: An extrovert national culture.

Just read a little bit about this subject and you'll see what I mean in historical context: The traditional drink of Turks was once kumys. Then, in the 16th century, coffee was suddenly popularized in the southern territories of the Ottoman Empire.

After the Battle of Vienna in 1683, the defeated Ottoman army left behind some sacks of coffee, which were found out by the Austrians. It is thought that the culture of Viennese coffee houses was born as such, although the Central European coffee would become a filtered, creamy derivative. Because the first Austrians who cooked the Ottoman coffee didn't know how their enemies were doing it exactly (Turkish coffee, which is neither filtered nor creamy, are ground to the finest possible powder).

Of course, it's nice to give deeper meanings to such trivial things in our lives, but if you ask my palate, it would prefer the taste of the Turkish coffee, instead of its symbolism, you know.

Take a look at Turkey Expat Forum.

Friday, February 10, 2012

What Turkish Pravdas Learned in the Latest Crisis

The only positive part of the latest political crisis in Turkey, which some see as the manifestation of a conflict inside the AKP government, is the way that the pro-government media reacts.

Until a few days ago, all pro-government newspapers were praising the "special courts," when they were arresting some top generals, prominent journalists, dissident politicians or leading businessmen, hailing that these arrests were the proof that Turkey was not a semi-democracy where some people couldn't be accounted before the justice.

After same prosecutors wanted to question National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Undersecretary Hakan Fidan, who is very close to Turkey's Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan, though, the same pundits suddenly started to interpret a similar development with a totally different tone.

One pro-government newspaper writes today that "it shouldn't be so easy to accuse such high-level authorities..."

"It is time to question the power of special courts," a columnist in another pro-government newspaper declares.

And another one suddenly realizes that there is a new deep state now, making prosecutors to act with a motive of creating a "security situation," instead of legal requirements...

Every cloud has a silver lining, after all...

Wednesday, February 08, 2012

Is the AKP Splitting or Is It the End of the Ergenekon Epic?

Something is rotten in the state of Turkey.

Surely, something important is going on behind the scenes, but I don't really believe that the governing AKP is splitting now. The latest developments may only be regarded as hints that the Ergenekon case is about to be downsized by the AKP.

There are still dozens of civilians and soldiers in Turkish prisons, who are all accused of planning to overthrow the government although the prosecution failed to link them all with sound evidence about this Ergenekon conspiracy. I don't have any insider information, but putting the latest news into the big picture is enough to make a prediction about the future of the case:
Prime Minister Erdoğan, President Gül and the MIT Undersecretary Fidan

1) Many independent observers have been repeatedly warning that the Ergenekon and related investigations have been turning into a witch-hunt on the ranks of the opposition. Mass arrests of journalists, including prominent ones, further tarnished the international image of the case, as well as the AKP government.

2) Recently, Paul Auster criticized Turkey’s treatment of journalists and authors, too. Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan harshly rebuked Auster, triggering widespread condemnation in the American media, which has been generally covering Erdoğan-related topics in a favorable light for his party in the past, aligning with the U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East.

3) Some of the Ergenekon-related allegations were deemed as ridiculous, but the latest political statements are even more tragic-comic. Bülent Gedikli, a deputy chairman of the AKP government, claimed that Auster was involved in the Ergenekon conspiracy, alongside Shimon Peres, Benjamin Netanyahu, Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy! The Western European media is now criticizing Erdoğan and the Ergenekon case more and more, as the EU leaders may begin re-evaluating the AKP men.

4) Several figures in the AKP publicly insist that some "foreign elements" are trying to destabilize the Turkish government, which still manages to steer the national ship successfully on a heavy sea of international crises. The real conflict, however, seems like internal, even if some foreign elements also try to take advantage of it. This conflict is crystalized when National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Undersecretary Hakan Fidan was summoned as a suspect to testify in the ongoing terror probe on the PKK-related organization that is called the KCK.

5) Hakan Fidan, the right-hand man of Prime Minister Erdoğan, was recently accused in the Uludere incident, as well as the leaked negotiations with the PKK. Who was behind the blunder in Uludere and who did leak the audiotape of the PKK negotiations? No answers, yet. But we know that the harshest critics of Fidan in recent days, who was also criticized by Israel in the past, have been a few pundits, who have close links to the police intelligence, as well as the Gülen movement that is well-organized in the police.

6) Some commentators argue that the Gülen movement couldn't control the MIT because of Erdoğan's protection on Fidan. It is also said that the Gülen movement designed a policy to disintegrate the PKK, but Fidan is siding with the establishment figures who would like to see the conflict sustain, instead of taking risks which may divide the country. Other critics, on the other hand, insist that it is actually the Fidan method that could really finish off the PKK, if the government allies had supported him instead of siding with his critics whose interests are linked with a surviving PKK.

7) Hence, some say, the Gülen movement crossed out Erdoğan and will start to support President Abdullah Gül instead. It may mean that they will stop lobbying for a new constitution which will pave the way for Erdoğan to continue governing the country as the leader of a presidential system. Instead, they defend, the movement would prefer to see Gül as the Prime Minister in the future in a parliamentary system again, with Erdoğan as a retired politician.

To summarize, I personally believe that such an internal conflict in government circles, Erdoğan-Fidan vs. Gülen-Gül, is an exaggeration at this stage, if not solely an example of wishful thinking by the political opposition. A more realistic commentary on the latest developments now can be made only on the Ergenekon case and the international image of the AKP.

Although it would be naive to think that most of the Ergenekon suspects would be released soon, it is remarkable that many people now believe that one of the underlying causes of the internal conflict is Erdoğan's intention to loosen the leash of the opposition, even as those pundits who are close the police and the Gülen movement staunchly oppose it. Other government figures, including Erdoğan's leading aide Beşir Atalay, seem like they support such a legislative move.

That's why I believe that these developments may lead a redefinition of the Ergenekon case, in relation to the results of the changing balance between the factions in the AKP. Will Turkey be more or less democratic? I don't think that any of the players of this political game really cares about the answer, but we'll soon see what is rotten in Ankara and if we would get rid of it for a better democracy or not...